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» » » » Pakistan’s Military and Dissent The Conflict Between Tradition and Policy Change

The perception of dissent in Pakistan's military: How did 'mind-building' and 'change' in policy collide?

A symbolic depiction of Pakistan’s military, showcasing soldiers standing in formation alongside a backdrop of shifting policies and evolving public perceptions

Farhat Javed
Ahda, BBC Urdu, Islamabad
December 31, 2024

‘I can never forget the moment when uniformed youths stood pointing guns at my innocent husband. It doesn’t hurt if someone else commits atrocities. They were our own, so it’s even more sad.’

This claim is from the wife of a former army officer who was talking about the night her house was raided.

The fear and panic among former army officers and their families has increased so much over the past two years that they now shy away from talking to the media.

This woman also does not want her husband’s name to be written. She claims that her husband is among the former officers who were warned on the mainstream and social media not to speak against ‘former and current army chiefs, the army’s alleged interference in politics and the role of the army in the recent political manipulation, PDM parties and in support of Imran Khan or PTI.’

Her husband said that ‘I was told not to give a statement or analysis in favor of Imran Khan. An officer of a government agency said that you are our senior, we do not like to send you notices every day and keep you sitting here but we are forced. We are told to keep him sitting from morning to evening.’

This former army officer held important positions in the army during his tenure and was considered close to the military leadership for many years after retirement.

He claimed that an officer of a civil government agency also gave him this ‘message’ to stop criticizing the military establishment and ‘defending’ its policies.

He claims that ‘he said you should stop talking for Imran Khan… I would tell him that I am not speaking in favor of Imran Khan, nor am I speaking against the army. I am only against the policies and interference of a few people who are destroying this country.’

According to him, institutions like FBR, FIA and NAB (i.e. National Accountability Bureau) send him notices every day.

This former army officer also claimed that on the occasion of one such summons, a senior officer of one of these government institutions gave him a threatening ‘ultimatum’ and said, ‘Then the next step after this is your arrest. I will tell you this now.’

He is not the only former army officer who has been continuously harassed by various state institutions and is now forced to remain silent.

To know more about the situation in this regard, the BBC has spoken to several retired senior army officers...

‘I was summoned to GHQ and told that people respect your opinion. You should support the Army Chief (General Asim Munir). I said I will not speak anywhere. Our families are threatened. Phones are tapped, they are monitored. The situation has deteriorated. I never thought it would be like this.’

This is the claim of a former army officer who spoke to the BBC on condition of anonymity.

When contacted a few years ago, another senior former army officer, who retired and is known for his tough stance, his words were as follows: ‘After talking to you, you will have to come to Adiala Jail to meet me after a few days.’

A symbolic depiction of Pakistan’s military, showcasing soldiers standing in formation alongside a backdrop of shifting policies and evolving public perceptions

When and why did the opinion of retired military officers become important?

In Pakistan, the military establishment is considered the strongest pillar of the state and is accused of not only interfering in political affairs but also of political manipulation at their behest.

Military officers themselves are not authorized to express their opinions on public or political matters in public and the country’s constitution prevents them from taking any action that would give the impression of being biased towards any political party. Defending their policies and maintaining contact with the public has generally been the responsibility of military officers who are not serving.

This is why retired military officers are often seen defending military policies, actions and decisions on newspapers and TV screens. Under the law, any military officer can not only express his opinion on political matters after three years of retirement from his post, but can also participate in politics like any ordinary citizen.

On the other hand, like other armies in the world, senior and retired officers in the Pakistani army are treated with respect within the army. A large number of retired officers attend the oath-taking ceremony of the Army Chief and the Army Chief also meets these senior retired military officers from time to time.

There are also organizations of these former officers who maintain contact with serving officers to resolve the problems of retired officers and soldiers. Apart from this, these former officers are also seen defending the narrative of the army and the policies of any military chief.

Senior journalist and analyst Nusrat Javed spoke to the BBC about this and said that in the past, such a large number of former military officers were not seen commenting.

According to him, ‘In the past, retirement meant complete retirement. Some of them used to write books after retirement... about their military days, about Kakul Academy and wars in general, or about fiction. I do not remember such a large number of ex-servicemen giving opinions on newspapers and TV channels. This series started after 2008, 2009.

This series spread so much that in 2019, the army’s public relations department (ISPR) issued a list to journalists and news channels, which contained the names of more than 20 analysts and retired officers from whom they were asked to seek their opinions on various issues, especially political issues.

A few days before the release of this list, the media regulatory body PEMRA also issued a guideline for TV channels, which said that any former military officer would have to take permission from the ISPR before inviting him for analysis. The guideline also said that for discussions on security matters, the guest should be introduced as a defense analyst, while for discussions on any other issue, he should be introduced only as an ‘analyst’.

PEMRA had attributed this to the fact that the discussion often turned to political issues and that these officers were not fully up to date with the latest security policies due to their long retirement, but the situation has changed rapidly in the last two years.

Several former officers included in the same list have also faced alleged sanctions and even gone to jail.

A symbolic depiction of Pakistan’s military, showcasing soldiers standing in formation alongside a backdrop of shifting policies and evolving public perceptions

When did the rift between the military leadership and retired officers arise?

If we go back a decade, we see a vigorous campaign in favor of former Prime Minister and founder of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf Imran Khan, first on TV channels and then on social media.

In 2011, there was a campaign in favor of him on social media. For example, if we look at the Twitter (X) data of that time, trends like ‘a tsunami, a storm, Imran Khan, Imran Khan’ were common, but this narrative intensified after the 2013 elections.

Apart from PTI leaders, most of the retired officers included in the same list were also seen supporting the narrative of Imran Khan’s projection.

Senior journalist and analyst Nusrat Javed believes that the former military officers we have seen as analysts in the past decade have been systematically brainwashed.

He says, ‘I think they were programmed by the establishment for many years that they thought all politicians were corrupt. There was a ban on certain news channels, newspapers and anchors in their cantonment. This is called ‘conditioning’ (i.e., mind-set). At least ten years of continuous mind-set was done that all politicians are corrupt and rule in turns.’

According to Nusrat Javed, ‘During this time, Imran Khan, who was an outsider (in Pakistani politics), was projected as if he was the solution to all our problems and the answer to all our questions.’

‘But (after 2018) he also failed to deliver. So the army leadership made its decision that not even Imran Khan, but those people whom they had conditioned for at least a decade, could no longer back down from this ideology.’

All this happened when Imran Khan and General Qamar Javed Bajwa came face to face.

A symbolic depiction of Pakistan’s military, showcasing soldiers standing in formation alongside a backdrop of shifting policies and evolving public perceptions

‘How to accept the narrative that Nawaz Sharif is not corrupt’

In October 2021, the disagreement between Imran Khan and General Qamar Javed Bajwa over the appointment of the head of the intelligence agency ISI exposed the cold war between the Prime Minister’s House and the GHQ to the public.

Then in April 2022, when the no-confidence motion was being tabled, Imran Khan openly blamed ‘America’ and then the military leadership for this ‘conspiracy’. His narrative was accepted by a large number of the public, including most of the former military officers on the ISPR list (and those who are not).

These former military officers openly opposed the alleged military intervention, after which actions were taken against them. It has rarely happened in the history of Pakistan when former military officers themselves raised their voices against the policies or actions of the military.

Nusrat Javed says that the changing policy of the military leadership put these former officers in trouble.

"The army decided to use these retired officers to convey its position and narrative to the public, so they were used, but now when they were asked to sell a different narrative to the people from the previous one, it became difficult for them to say, 'Yesterday I was saying something different, today how can I start defending this person whom I called a corrupt, incompetent and incompetent politician till yesterday.'"

Former Lieutenant General Amjad Shoaib, who was part of various programs and analyses in support of military policies, was arrested. Responding to a question about his arrest and complaints of pressure from former military officers, DG ISPR Major General Ahmed Sharif had said that retired military officers are “an asset of the army but not above the law”, but that organizations of retired military officers “should not wear the cloak of politics.”

Nusrat Javed says that the narrative of the military leadership and Imran Khan being on the same page and the alleged corruption of leaders of PDM parties in the opposition was so strong that when “attempts were made to bring about change, the biggest setback was probably for these former military officers.”

A former military officer, speaking to the BBC on condition of anonymity, said that “former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was strongly disliked in the army since the 1990s and this perception still persists.

"Now when suddenly the message from the military leadership (then Army Chief General (retired) Qamar Javed Bajwa) started being received that 'Nawaz Sharif is not corrupt', how can this be accepted?"

Actions against former military officers

After former Prime Minister Imran Khan left the government, various actions were initiated against former military officers who were opposing the PDM government and the no-confidence motion against Imran Khan earlier.

Several retired military officers had their pensions stopped and their government benefits withdrawn. Some were sent messages that action could be taken against them. According to local media, at least five officers had their pensions and benefits withdrawn on charges of waging an anti-military campaign.

According to the ISPR, the Pakistani military recently sentenced two retired military officers living abroad, Major (retd) Adil Farooq Raja and Captain (retd) Haider Raza Mehdi, to 14 and 12 years of rigorous imprisonment respectively, on charges of inciting rebellion.

According to the ISPR, the granddaughter of a retired four-star general, the son-in-law of a retired four-star general, the wife of a retired three-star general, and the wife and son-in-law of a former two-star general are also undergoing the ‘accountability process’.

Now, there is silence from these retired officers who were critics of the alleged military intervention policies.

Talking about this, Nusrat Javed says that the number of former officers who still stand by their opinions is small.

‘I think most have become silent because they do not want to lose the military privileges they have received after retirement. That is why they are cautious. They themselves also know their limits.’

A symbolic depiction of Pakistan’s military, showcasing soldiers standing in formation alongside a backdrop of shifting policies and evolving public perceptions

Army, Imran Khan and Two Opinions: ‘May 9 is a benefit to the army, a loss to Imran Khan’

On the evening of May 9, 2023, after the arrest of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf Chairman and former Prime Minister Imran Khan by the Islamabad High Court, a large number of PTI workers had gathered outside various military cantonments across the country and a series of arson attacks were underway.

In one of these cantonments, Shaista Jabeen (not her real name) was wondering what would happen if the ‘attackers’ came to her house. ‘Fear? That’s an understatement. I was thinking how I would save the lives of my daughters.’

The BBC spoke to Shaista, the wife of a serving army officer stationed in Pakistan’s border area, a few days after the events of May 9.

Shaista says she has never felt as ‘unsafe’ as she did that day.

‘If they can attack a general’s house so easily, then we are very easy targets. That's all I was thinking.'

This was the day when the residence of the Corps Commander in Lahore was set on fire, there was not only a huge commotion outside the Army General Headquarters in Rawalpindi, but protesters were also seen scaling the gate of the GHQ.

These people were allegedly PTI workers.

According to Shaista, she herself has been supporting Imran Khan's politics 'to the extent of voting', but after May 9, she was 'deeply disappointed'. 'I regret that I ever supported his (Imran Khan's) narrative.'

This thought is not limited to Shaista. Dr. Gul (pseudonym), posted in a military hospital, is also part of the families who have stopped supporting Imran Khan after the May 9 events.

The BBC also spoke to Dr. Gul a few days after the May 9 events last year.

'I am a single mother and my three children are with my parents in Rawalpindi. When I heard about the riots outside the cantonment, I was worried. I could hear gunshots outside. I was thinking, what if the fight escalates? I was constantly on the phone. I also called some of my colleagues in Rawalpindi to ask them to take care of my family. I couldn’t sleep the whole night.’

When the relations between the military leadership and Imran Khan deteriorated, the new narrative of the army and the PDM was unbelievable even for Dr. Gill himself and military personnel like him.

A symbolic depiction of Pakistan’s military, showcasing soldiers standing in formation alongside a backdrop of shifting policies and evolving public perceptions

This is why during the no-confidence motion and after the fall of Imran Khan’s government, the alleged military intervention was being criticized in the army as well, and there was clear support for Imran Khan.

‘Even today, if someone tells me who to vote for, I think Imran Khan is the best among the current politicians. He is not perfect, but he is the best of the options we have.’

A military officer had said this sentence when Imran Khan had left the government after the no-confidence motion, but this support has clearly decreased after May 9.

Senior journalist and analyst Hamid Mir believes that May 9 ‘benefited’ the military leadership and Imran Khan’s support in the army ended.

He says that ‘before May 9, there was a division in the army. It seemed that Imran Khan had considerable support in the army. After May 9, it seems that the army believes that its martyrs were insulted and they want to teach a lesson to the PTI. May 9 benefited the army and Imran Khan suffered.

However, he also believes that it is impossible for public opinion to influence opinion within the army. Hamid Mir says that ‘the army is made up of the people of this country, the families of officers and soldiers are in this country. If there is division in our society, it also affects the soldiers. Before May 9, the officers were not happy about what was happening, but after May 9, they are doing what they are told with their eyes closed. So the army is united.’

A former army officer also spoke to the BBC and said that ‘the army cannot be divided as an institution and there is no room for such division in the army system. Soldiers and officers do not have political opinions nor are they allowed to express them, while in operational matters the army has a strict system which is followed and subordinates are obliged to follow orders. Therefore, what is happening in the country’s politics has no impact within the army.’

Speaking to the BBC, another former lieutenant general says that the country’s ‘armed forces personnel must be asking themselves, what is really happening in the country?’

He says, ‘It is alarming that the army has grievances and complaints in the hearts of the people and its impact will go far. On the other hand, the armed forces personnel are also part of this society. They also listen to what is being said. And if they do not listen to what is being said outside, it means that there is a big problem in the system. Because the people and the army must be on the same page.’

So, is this the first time that there has been a difference of opinion in the army over the overthrow of a party’s government?

Nusrat Javed does not think so. He says that in the past too, officers within the army have had different opinions about military intervention.

‘We feel very good thinking that this is happening for the first time in Pakistan, but it is not like this. It has been happening since 1950 that the majority of our people understand and know which is the most powerful institution in this country. When former Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was hanged, at that time, many times my fellow soldiers used to say to me that Zia-ul-Haq committed great injustice.’

After May 9, rumors of rebellion and reaction in the army were so widespread that the Director General of the ISPR had to say in a TV program that the army stands by its chief and is united under his leadership and will remain so.

Confirming this statement of the DG ISPR, a senior army officer says that ‘after May 9, those who supported Imran Khan’s politics have retreated.’

Speaking to the BBC, he said that ‘no soldier can tolerate the destruction of the memorial of his martyred soldier brother, attacks on his colleagues and family or abuse of his senior officers.

"When this color of Imran Khan's politics came to light on May 9, those who were speaking in his support while in the army realized for themselves that this was not the personality they wanted to follow."

A symbolic depiction of Pakistan’s military, showcasing soldiers standing in formation alongside a backdrop of shifting policies and evolving public perceptions

‘Just one man...’ Anti-military narrative among the public

After the May 9 incidents, where actions were taken against Imran Khan’s workers allegedly belonging to PTI who allegedly attacked military installations, an ‘accountability process’ also began within the army against military officers.

According to the ISPR, two investigations were conducted into violent incidents in different garrisons and disciplinary action has been taken against those responsible for the failure to secure military installations.

According to the ISPR, three senior military officers, including a lieutenant general, were among those dismissed from service. Strict disciplinary action was taken against 17 senior officers, including three major generals and seven brigadier generals.

These measures seem to reduce the internal rift in the army, but on the other hand, ordinary citizens are now openly talking about the military’s interference in politics.

The opinion that was previously expressed in hushed tones is now being expressed openly and this criticism is sometimes so strong that it was difficult to even imagine it at the public level before.

According to senior journalist Hamid Mir, earlier criticism against the military’s interference in politics used to be where people were most hurt, but now this matter has increased.

‘First this (anti-military sentiment) started in Balochistan. Then in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Sindh and then since May 9, 2023, it is now clear in Punjab as well. People are criticizing the military very openly. In the past, when I criticized the role of the military in politics, people from Punjab would say, ‘You are a traitor.’ Now, in the markets and streets of Lahore, they stop and say in Punjabi, ‘Tusi sahih kende si (You were right)’.

Here, a former army officer also agrees with Hamid and says that the people now talk about military interference in politics.

"You go out, listen to students in universities, workers on the streets, drivers in buses and taxis, now people talk about the political manipulation of the army. This did not happen before."

Public opinion is in its place, but after May 9, Imran Khan himself held the army chief responsible for his treatment, not the army as an institution.

On May 13, in response to the question in the accountability court room, ‘Is the impression correct that this is now a war between Imran Khan and the security agencies?’ He said, ‘No, not the security agencies, it is just one man. The army chief. Just one man.’

Imran Khan was referring to Pakistan’s army chief, General Asim Munir. He was just talking when one of his colleagues got up and tried to turn off the camera.

Imran Khan’s narrative of blaming the army chief for the separation from power had not only come long before General Asim Munir became the army chief, but had also been embedded in his workers, which was also seen on the streets of Pakistan on May 9.

Has the general public now really become convinced that the alleged interference of the army in politics is a reality? To test this, we turned to social media and started looking for accounts that were not apparently affiliated with any political party or their trolling accounts.

In this world of social networking on phone screens, this is an isolated civil war. In the West, the term ‘social civil war’ is used for this.

What is interesting in Pakistan is that when we look at the social civil war, when we turn to apps where the general public is apparently present in large numbers, or who belong to rural areas, they seem to be more active in trolling the Pakistani military establishment.

So is this a dangerous trend? First, let’s look at some posts: ‘A barish person is raising his hands in prayer in a video on TikTok, saying, ‘Oh God, reduce the responsibilities of my country’s army chief, General Asim Munir. He has a lot of responsibilities on his shoulders...give him the strength to fulfill the same responsibility for which he is paid. Our prayers have not been answered for 75 years.’

Another TikToker from South Punjab keeps asking the Army Chief and ISI chief why they interfere in the country’s politics. In several of his videos, he is seen advising that ‘military generals should be held accountable’ in the country.

‘Who will you vote for? Asim Munir Sahib, because the sieve is his!’ This video is also available on YouTube where a Vlogger is asking a passerby.

An elderly laborer sitting at a brick kiln in a village in Punjab is saying in Punjabi, ‘When the army came, instead of being neutral, it also joined the money-grubbers.’

It should be noted that at present there is no formal data that can prove that all the content criticizing the army or military leadership is organic or was created and spread by the media team of any party.

A symbolic depiction of Pakistan’s military, showcasing soldiers standing in formation alongside a backdrop of shifting policies and evolving public perceptions

Is the situation worrying for the military leadership?

There is still a perception in military circles that social media is not an accurate measure of whether their popularity has changed, but is this a prudent assessment? Are social media apps like TikTok or any social networking site really just a game of bots and algorithms?

Speaking to the BBC, a former lieutenant general says that “the military leadership is living under the impression that everything is under their control, but it is not. They believe in the lie that they will gain the support of the people by taking small steps, saying, ‘Look, the politicians destroyed the country and we took it over.’ I think it is very stupid that they do not understand the situation.

On the other hand, Hamid Mir believes that ‘the military leadership should be concerned about this debate, their intelligence is not so low that they do not know the feelings of the people.’

Speaking to the BBC, a former military officer said that any such disagreement will be detrimental to the country.

‘This narrative that has been created now, and the hatred and suspicions that have now arisen in the hearts of the people against the military leadership. I think it will take a few decades for all this to end. We did not have such dislike even after the 1971 war.’

Hamid Mir says that ‘the military leadership believes that they taught the people a lesson by carrying out a major crackdown after May 9, but for the first time, Punjab is thinking the same way as the people in the other three provinces thought. I think the loss is not to any one institution, but to us as a nation that has failed. We are face to face and there is hatred in our hearts. I have never seen so much hatred against institutions.’

But Nusrat Javed thinks this is not a problem for the military establishment at all.

‘I don’t think the establishment is worried about this perception. It is true that they interfere a lot, but a common man thinks, what alternative does he have? If you go among the people now, the majority will curse democracy. They will not say that democracy is not allowed to function in this country. They will say that only these politicians are corrupt.’

Related Topics

#Pakistan_Army #Corruption #No_Confidence_Motion 
#Pakistan_Tehreek_e_Insaf #Nawaz_Sharif #Pakistan #Politics #Imran_Khan #Election_2024

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